RED TERROR-THE ENEMY WITHIN

 

When the 26/11 attack took place six months back, it was a talking point during every meal any family had together but the same did not happen when one of the remote parts of West Bengal/India was burning, rather when it had been “LIBERATED”, in the words of the Naxals. The situation was much more treacherous in this case as the persons fighting against the police and paramilitary forces were not AMIR AJMAL KASABs, coming from across the border, but were the most backward sections of the Indian society. The issue of Naxalism is graver than the issue of terrorism and the sole reason for it is that, people on both the sides of the divide are very much a part and parcel of the Republic of India.

 

Naxalism has been the major internal security threat to India for the last two decades. The Naxal movement began in the 1960s in Naxalbari, a remote area of West Bengal, as a mere splintering of the Communists into radicals and moderates. But today what we are witnessing is abuse of the barrel of the gun for furthering political motives. The so-called “ROBIN WOODs” of modern India are no longer the garibo ke masiha or the voice of the poor but are mere puppets of external enemies or ambitious young men trying to fulfil their political ambitions.

 

Today Naxalism, along with jehad, is being used by external forces ranging from China to Pakistan to bring a halt to the economic development and technological advancement of India. Naxalism is at its peak in certain areas of Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, which are the most remote and the least developed parts of India. The “Red Corridor” in these 9 states totals up to 155 districts, these amounts to nearly a quarter of our national territory.

 

With the tense and volatile neighbourhood that India has, however illogical and impossible it may seem, a great nexus is being created between the Maoists of Nepal, the Naxals in India and the extremist Islamic groups like the JeM [Jaish-e-Mohammad] and LeT [Lashkar-e-Toiba]. The Indian intelligence agencies have reports that Pakistan’s ISI is using the Naxals for drug-trafficking and pumping fake currency notes into the Indian economy. In return the ISI is providing the Naxals with sophisticated weaponry and know-how about using improvised explosives. The evidence to this nexus is the support given by Naxals in Andhra Pradesh for the demand of the Dasargah-e-Jehad-e-Shahadat to unconditionally release of Maulana Naseeruddin, a key accused in the murder of former home minister of Gujarat, Haren Pandya and the strategically coordinated economic blockades and swarming mass attacks with the Maoists in Nepal. The weapons and explosives also stand testimony to this unimaginable nexus.

 

However there is a need to look at the other side of the divide as well. In left-extremism there is a thin line between ideologues and leftist mercenaries. The true ideologue is fighting against the police atrocities, lack of development and presence of few or no government facilities in these remote areas. But many a times such ideologues are generalised as the armed Naxals because of the financial backing which the Naxals have. Hence a careful analysis of the Naxal threat needs to be taken up as the ideologues can easily be brought into the main stream by taking firm developmental steps.

 

Also a small part of the Naxal problem is because of the use of such people for winning elections by candidates and parties. The result of such actions is instances like Nandigram where the so-called Naxals were used by the Left Government in West Bengal to maintain its hold political hold in its bastions against the in-roads being made by the Trinamool Congress. Small make shift or part-time “Naxal” groups are used during elections for campaigning and in other times to maintain the hold of that political party.

 

It is high time the Central Government, in harmony with the various state governments, tackles this issue of Naxalism by formalising a national policy to deal with this issue of Naxalism and stop sweeping it under the carpet. The problem of Naxalism cannot be dealt with the military solution. There needs to be training for the SPOs [Special Police Officers] who are being used for dealing with Naxals. Policing needs to assess the psychology of the local people, who are being sandwiched between the armed forces and the Naxals. However the reverse scenario exists where the SPOs are just trained for dealing with criminals and not civilians. The armed solution has to be supplemented by development, as development alone can help solve the problem of Naxalism once and for all. Reforms of land have to be also looked at as Naxalism also arises due to oppression from the landed class. Special measures to help the tribals and various ethnic groups displaced by mining have to be taken. Development of educational opportunities and providing health facilities are the easiest ways to win over the people and re-instil their faith in democracy.

However there have to be stern steps taken by the UPA government at the centre. Tooth-less efforts like reconciliation with mercenaries directly involved in the dastardly massacre of blowing up a bus full of 40 CRPF jawans and then shooting the survivors in the eyes at point blank range, have to be stopped. On the other hand, there has to be a concrete surrender policies put in place for villagers and other civilians who want to enter the main stream and help the developmental work in the region, as a vast majority enter Naxalism because they have no other choice.

 

There are certain very encouraging steps taken by the government, like the policy to recruit 50% of the SPOs and CRPF jawans fighting in the Red Corridor from the affected areas itself, the ban on the Naxal organisations and other supporting organisations like CPI (Maoists) and CPI (Marxist-Leninist) and the setting up of night schools for the villagers who have fled their homes due to the fear of the conflict between the armed forces and the Naxals.

  

The urban population of our society has to be sympathetic and aware about the problems of Naxalism faced by their nation and members of their society, and not turn a blind eye just because it is not happening in the urban alleys of Mumbai. The evidence of the “fastest growing economy” should not just come from Dalal Street but also from the villages of Bastar, Dantewada and Lalgarh.